Obama, World Leaders May Skip Key Part of Paris Climate Talks

Organizers invite leaders to speak at the beginning of COP21, rather than the end, to avoid the eleventh-hour chaos that marked the close of the Copenhagen climate conference. But does that lessen the chances for a deal?

The 2009 cli­mate talks in Copen­ha­gen were on the brink of col­lapse when Pres­id­ent Obama crashed a meet­ing of the lead­ers of China, In­dia, Brazil, and South Africa.

“[T]he Pres­id­ent and I set off through the long hall­ways of the sprawl­ing Nor­d­ic con­ven­tion cen­ter, with a train of ex­perts and ad­visors scram­bling to keep up,” Hil­lary Clin­ton writes in her State De­part­ment mem­oir Hard Choices. Clin­ton re­calls “char­ging up a flight of stairs and en­coun­ter­ing sur­prised Chinese of­fi­cials who tried to di­vert us by send­ing us in the op­pos­ite dir­ec­tion.”

The res­ult­ing ad hoc ne­go­ti­ations helped sal­vage an in­ter­im, el­ev­enth-hour ac­cord that kept afloat the wobbly ne­go­ti­ations to craft a new in­ter­na­tion­al cli­mate deal, but Copen­ha­gen is re­membered as both a mess and dis­ap­point­ment. This fall, the ven­ue is Par­is, where the U.N. will once again hold cli­mate talks with a goal of reach­ing a new ac­cord to battle glob­al warm­ing.

But don’t look for the drama of an Amer­ic­an pres­id­ent bar­ging in on fel­low heads of state in a private meet­ing on the fi­nal night, be­cause—if all goes ac­cord­ing to plan—none of them will be there.

In­stead of bring­ing in heads of state at the end of the two-week con­fer­ence, French of­fi­cials have flipped the script and in­vited them to the be­gin­ning.

French Pres­id­ent Fran­cois Hol­lande de­scribed the de­cision this way in a re­cent speech: “At the Par­is con­fer­ence, I thought it best to in­vite the heads of state and gov­ern­ment right at the start of the con­fer­ence, not the end. At the end it’s some­times too late and even their rhet­or­ic isn’t enough to con­vince people and wrap things up any more. So it will be at the start of the con­fer­ence; that’s the les­son we learnt from Copen­ha­gen.”

Vet­er­ans of cli­mate sum­mit battles and oth­er cli­mate ex­perts like the concept.

U.N. cli­mate chief Chris­ti­ana Figueres, in a state­ment to Na­tion­al Journ­al, said, “We think this will provide a strong polit­ic­al im­pulse at the highest level to min­is­ters as they fi­nal­ize the new uni­ver­sal cli­mate agree­ment and its sup­port­ing de­cisions.”

Figueres, mind­ful of Copen­ha­gen’s les­sons, has been la­bor­ing to en­sure that much of the ground­work is laid well in ad­vance of the con­fer­ence. It is “really stu­pid to put 300 pages in front of pres­id­ents at the last minute and give them a red pen,” she said last year.

Alden Mey­er of the Uni­on of Con­cerned Sci­ent­ists, who has been at­tend­ing in­ter­na­tion­al cli­mate sum­mits for 25 years, says hav­ing world lead­ers come to the fi­nal stages in Copen­ha­gen was a bad idea. The prob­lem: For­eign and en­vir­on­ment min­is­ters were hes­it­ant to make polit­ic­al com­prom­ises be­cause their bosses were en route.

“I saw everything from the in­side, and the fact that lead­ers were com­ing in at the end of the con­fer­ence con­trib­uted to the para­lys­is in the ne­go­ti­ations,” said Mey­er, an in­form­al ad­visor to Con­nie Hede­gaard, the Dan­ish of­fi­cial who over­saw that sum­mit. “Clearly the French learned the les­sons of Copen­ha­gen. I haven’t heard of any­one who thinks it’s a good idea to bring the lead­ers in at the end.”

There are plenty of top­ics for ne­go­ti­at­ors to grapple with, such as fund­ing for poor coun­tries’ ef­forts to battle cli­mate change and ad­apt to it, veri­fic­a­tion of na­tions’ steps to cut emis­sions, and more.

And, of course, there’s the form of the ac­cord it­self at a time when there’s simply no chance of get­ting a form­al, bind­ing car­bon-cut­ting treaty through the U.S. Sen­ate.  

In­deed, much of Obama’s cli­mate-change agenda has gone around Con­gress with a series of ex­ec­ut­ive ac­tions, in­clud­ing first-time car­bon emis­sions stand­ards for power plants, re­cently pro­posed rules to cut emis­sions of the po­tent green­house gas meth­ane from oil-and-gas de­vel­op­ment, and ma­jor in­creases in auto mileage stand­ards.

Ahead of Par­is, coun­tries have been sub­mit­ting post-2020 emis­sions pledges to the U.N., called “in­ten­ded na­tion­ally de­term­ined con­tri­bu­tions.” The U.S. is pledging to cut emis­sions by 26-28 per­cent com­pared to 2005 levels by 2025, a pledge Obama ad­min­is­tra­tion of­fi­cials say can be met with ex­ec­ut­ive ac­tions ab­sent a new cli­mate law.

Obama is widely ex­pec­ted to ap­pear in Par­is, al­though the White House has not con­firmed the vis­it.

One pos­sible struc­ture for the Par­is deal that has gained steam is a hy­brid mod­el in which na­tions’ do­mest­ic emis­sions-curb­ing pledges are not in­ter­na­tion­ally bind­ing, but they’re pack­aged with oth­er ele­ments which are man­dat­ory.

Peter Og­den, a former State De­part­ment cli­mate aide, said hav­ing heads of state at­tend on the front end could be be­ne­fi­cial, be­cause they can achieve high-level break­throughs that ease the path for the nitty-gritty ne­go­ti­ations to fol­low.

“If you think you can get the break­throughs that you need by hav­ing the lead­ers there early in the con­fer­ence and they can ac­tu­ally cut through some of those core dif­fer­ences, you do al­low yourselves more time to have the seni­or cli­mate dip­lo­mats left be­hind to work through the re­main­ing is­sues,” said Og­den, who was chief of staff to top U.S. cli­mate dip­lo­mat Todd Stern. “Then you give your­self time to really de­vel­op as full and ro­bust an agree­ment as pos­sible in Par­is.

“There is a lot of work that can get done if the lead­ers in at­tend­ance are really able to move the ne­go­ti­ations in­to their fi­nal phase,” ad­ded Og­den, who is now with the Cen­ter for Amer­ic­an Pro­gress, a lib­er­al think tank and ad­vocacy group.

Brown Uni­versity pro­fess­or J. Tim­mons Roberts, an in­ter­na­tion­al cli­mate policy ex­pert, called the French plan a “great idea” to at least avoid a re­peat of the Copen­ha­gen mess.

“It should cre­ate the top down polit­ic­al mo­mentum if those heads of state are at least roughly on the same page that we need an am­bi­tious cli­mate agree­ment,” said Roberts, a pro­fess­or of en­vir­on­ment­al stud­ies and so­ci­ology.

Not every­one is ex­cited about the early ap­pear­ance by heads of state.

Har­vard Uni­versity cli­mate ex­pert Robert Stav­ins, who was in Copen­ha­gen, pre­dicted it will “have vir­tu­ally no ef­fect on the sub­stant­ive out­come” of the ne­go­ti­ations. “The one thing we can be sure it will do is pro­duce some Par­is traffic jams, when streets are closed for se­cur­ity pur­poses,” said Stav­ins, dir­ect­or of the Har­vard En­vir­on­ment­al Eco­nom­ics Pro­gram.

Former U.N. cli­mate chief Yvo de Bo­er, in an in­ter­view with the web­site Re­spond­ing to Cli­mate Change, said it it’s not clear what pur­pose it serves, and that it could even de­tract from dis­cus­sions on the hoped-for pact. And lead­ers may not want to fly to the City of Lights just to give a speech at the start of the meet­ing and then go back home.

“My ex­per­i­ence is, politi­cians travel in or­der to cel­eb­rate suc­cess,” he said. “To fly to Par­is and just show a bit of leg at the be­gin­ning of a con­fer­ence is not really enough of a reas­on,” he said.

But don’t worry: heads of state or no heads of state, there will be drama at the end. U.N. cli­mate talks routinely blow past their dead­line amid last-minute hag­gling, and Mey­er says Par­is will likely be no dif­fer­ent.

“The ne­go­ti­at­ing cul­ture is you hold a lot of your chips un­til the end,” Mey­er said.