Republican presidential contender Donald Trump, at a campaign rally Monday.

Republican presidential contender Donald Trump, at a campaign rally Monday. Carlos Osorio/AP

One Reason Trump Does Worse in Live-Interview Polls? Embarrassment

New report says shame might be why the Republican front-runner has not performed as well in live-interview polls.

Don­ald Trump isn’t shy about his poll res­ults. It took less than five seconds of scrolling through his Twit­ter feed last week—I timed it—to find the latest tweet cel­eb­rat­ing good num­bers (“New Re­u­ters Poll - thank you!).

But these days, his suc­cess of­ten de­pends on the type of poll that’s cited. Trump rates very well in In­ter­net- or rob­ocall-powered polls, in which he leads the Re­pub­lic­an field in Iowa by at least 4 points, ac­cord­ing to Huff­Post Poll­ster. But if you con­sider only live-in­ter­view polls—in which ac­tu­al people speak with re­spond­ents over the phone—he’s cur­rently trail­ing Ted Cruz.

It’s a vari­ation of what poll­sters call the “mode ef­fect,” in which people give dif­fer­ent an­swers de­pend­ing on how they’re polled. People have writ­ten about this in re­la­tion to Trump. But an ex­plan­a­tion hasn’t come eas­ily. The most com­mon the­ory: A siz­able per­cent­age of poll re­spond­ents, though will­ing to punch a phone key to say they sup­port Trump, are still too em­bar­rassed to ac­tu­ally tell an­oth­er hu­man be­ing.

Last week, re­search firm Morn­ing Con­sult put this hy­po­thes­is to the test. Re­cruit­ing 2,397 re­gistered Re­pub­lic­ans and Re­pub­lic­an-lean­ing voters on­line, the com­pany split the sample in­to thirds—send­ing one group to an­swer elec­tion ques­tions on a web­site, an­oth­er to an auto­mated in­ter­act­ive voice-re­sponse phone line, and the rest to a call cen­ter staffed by live in­ter­view­ers.

Crit­ic­ally, this sur­vey drew its re­spond­ents from the same gen­er­al pool, which had all answered demo­graph­ic ques­tions be­fore­hand. The only vari­ation was the mode of in­ter­view.

The find­ings, re­leased Monday: The Trump mode ef­fect is def­in­itely real. Just over 38 per­cent of people who answered via a Web form said they sup­por­ted Trump, com­pared to 32 per­cent of their peers who spoke to a call-cen­ter em­ploy­ee—a 6-per­cent­age-point gap. But that gap among col­lege-edu­cated re­spond­ents widened to 9 per­cent­age points.

A similar split held true for registered voters who participated in previous elections, indicating that politically engaged people may also be more reluctant to tell a pollster their true opinion of Trump. One alternate explanation for the gap in levels of support for Trump registered by different polls has been their varying definitions of likely voters; live-interview polls tend also to use more restrictive definitions, making it hard to tease the effects apart. These results, though, imply that mode effects play a larger role than likely voter screens in the discrepancies. 

"It suggests that the online polls that report higher levels for Trump have something going for them," said Kyle Dropp, Morning Consult's cofounder and author of the study. "It's not clear to us whether the social desirability effects are going to grow or wane over the course of the campaign. It's hard to say whether it's encouraging or discouraging for Trump." 

All this would seem to re­in­force the idea that the gap is driv­en by so­cial ex­pect­a­tions. And yet, the study didn’t see any no­tice­able dif­fer­ences based on edu­ca­tion with auto­mated IVR sys­tems, and it found that those with no more than a high-school edu­ca­tion were ac­tu­ally more likely to tell live in­ter­view­ers they sup­por­ted Trump than to re­gister those views with auto­mated sys­tems. So it’s dif­fi­cult to stitch a con­sist­ent nar­rat­ive out of these find­ings.

Morn­ing Con­sult ac­know­ledges its ana­lys­is has flaws. Re­search­ers re­cruited poll re­spond­ents on­line, po­ten­tially skew­ing the sample young­er, and they com­pensated them. And some par­ti­cipants may have been turned off by the second step of call­ing an in­ter­view­er or filling out an­oth­er sur­vey, drop­ping out of the pro­cess.

But the mode ef­fect has been stud­ied be­fore. Earli­er this year, Pew Re­search Cen­ter found that people polled over the phone by live in­ter­view­ers were far more likely to say they were sat­is­fied with their fam­ily life, or to agree that gays and les­bi­ans face dis­crim­in­a­tion. Con­versely, In­ter­net re­spond­ents were more likely to voice an un­fa­vor­able opin­ion of Michelle Obama or Sarah Pal­in.

From the re­port:

The so­cial in­ter­ac­tion in­her­ent in a tele­phone or in-per­son in­ter­view may also ex­ert subtle pres­sures on re­spond­ents that af­fect how they an­swer ques­tions. Re­spond­ents may feel a need to present them­selves in a more pos­it­ive light to an in­ter­view­er, lead­ing to an over­state­ment of so­cially de­sir­able be­ha­vi­ors and at­ti­tudes and an un­der­state­ment of opin­ions and be­ha­vi­ors they fear would eli­cit dis­ap­prov­al from an­oth­er per­son.

Pew found the largest mode dif­fer­ences on ques­tions in which “so­cial de­sirab­il­ity” was most likely to play a role, such as opin­ions on pub­lic fig­ures or per­son­al is­sues. (They found al­most no dif­fer­ence with fact-based ques­tions, such as wheth­er the re­spond­ent has a driver’s li­cense or a pass­port.) This sup­ports Dropp’s em­bar­rass­ment the­ory—no one wants to tell a stranger that they’re miser­able, or that they sup­port a man many con­sider a buf­foon.

What does this mean for Trump? It’s hard to say. His suc­cess on­line could in­dic­ate deep­er sup­port for his can­did­acy than polls cur­rently sug­gest, as Henry Olsen re­cently wrote. But con­sider the first real test for Trump:  the Iowa caucuses, where res­id­ents meet at pub­lic build­ings and plead their can­did­ates’ cases be­fore cast­ing a secret bal­lot. If some Iow­ans are already too em­bar­rassed to share their true thoughts to a call-cen­ter op­er­at­or, ima­gine how they’ll feel telling their neigh­bors.