Andrew Harnik/AP

Obamacare Hasn't Knocked John Kasich Out of the Race for the White House

Recent polling shows shifting priorities, even among Republicans, on health care.

John Kasich’s White House bid was nev­er sup­posed to go any­where, giv­en his great apostasy in the eyes of the Re­pub­lic­an base: his de­cision to ex­pand Medi­caid in Ohio un­der the Af­ford­able Care Act.

But as evid­ence emerges that Obama­care is not the polit­ic­al flash point it once was, even among Re­pub­lic­ans, Kasich is as­cend­ing as an in­creas­ingly cred­ible chal­lenger for the GOP pres­id­en­tial nom­in­a­tion.

The Ohio gov­ernor is run­ning second to the in­defatig­able Don­ald Trump in New Hamp­shire, the early-nom­in­at­ing state where Kasich’s cam­paign has openly put al­most all of its chips, per the latest Real Clear Polit­ics polling av­er­age. He’s moved him­self com­fort­ably in­to the top 10 na­tion­ally after barely mak­ing the cut for the first de­bate.

Signs have ex­is­ted for a while that the is­sue might not be the drag on Kasich that many thought it would be. In April, a Kais­er Fam­ily Found­a­tion poll found that bring­ing down pre­scrip­tion drug costs was a top pri­or­ity for more Re­pub­lic­ans than re­peal­ing the health care law, 66 per­cent to 60 per­cent. This month, 72 per­cent of all Amer­ic­ans and a ma­jor­ity of Re­pub­lic­ans said that pre­scrip­tion drug costs were un­reas­on­ably high. And, though it is one of the cent­ral pil­lars of Obama­care, polling has fre­quently found that more than half of Re­pub­lic­ans sup­port Medi­caid ex­pan­sion in isol­a­tion from the over­all law.

Of course, Kasich isn’t about to start say­ing nice things about “Obama­care” be­cause the law re­mains uni­ver­sally un­pop­u­lar with­in the GOP, and his cam­paign isn’t pub­licly wel­com­ing any ap­par­ent de­cline in the polit­ic­al pas­sion about the law. From the start, Kasich has strained to dis­tin­guish between the whole law, in­di­vidu­al man­date and all, and the par­tic­u­lar pro­vi­sion that he im­ple­men­ted.

“I don’t think he looks at it that way be­cause he op­poses Obama­care,” said John Weaver, Kasich’s seni­or cam­paign strategist, in an in­ter­view. “Un­for­tu­nately, there are people who want to con­flate the two.”

Spin aside, however, the fact re­mains that Medi­caid ex­pan­sion was au­thor­ized and fun­ded as part of the ACA.

Kasich’s primary claim to mo­mentum is New Hamp­shire, an ec­lect­ic state for con­ser­vat­ism and one that it­self ex­pan­ded Medi­caid. Wheth­er he can broaden his ap­peal bey­ond New Eng­land is far from cer­tain. His na­tion­al num­bers have im­proved but are mid­dling at best: 5 per­cent, ac­cord­ing to Real Clear Polit­ics. Most of the press cov­er­age not sucked up by the sum­mer of Trump has been pos­it­ive to­ward Kasich and light on scru­tiny so far, and he’s yet to at­tract any sus­tained at­tacks from his most prom­in­ent GOP rivals.

Those could be com­ing soon. Mike Murphy, who is head­ing the Right to Rise su­per PAC back­ing Jeb Bush, told The Colum­bus Dis­patch last week that the group would soon start spend­ing in Ohio and named Obama­care as one is­sue where they could seek to con­trast Bush with Kasich.

“Nor­mally, you don’t see these things un­til pan­ic sets in, and pan­ic has def­in­itely set in. Pan­ic has set in in about four or five cam­paigns,” Weaver said. “I know, be­cause oth­er cam­paigns have said so pub­licly, that they in­tend to maybe come at us on that, and I wel­come that. That’s fine. What they chose to do in their states is their busi­ness. I don’t think you can get away with con­flat­ing Obama­care with ex­pand­ing health care us­ing your own tax dol­lars.”

Kasich has been hon­ing his mes­sage on Medi­caid ex­pan­sion since be­fore he hit the cam­paign trail. He usu­ally de­scribes it as a com­pas­sion­ate choice to help the poor, in the con­text of his Chris­ti­an faith, and also as a fisc­ally re­spons­ible move that brought Ohio tax dol­lars back to the state. (Con­ser­vat­ive wonks have ar­gued that the money nev­er would have been spent in the first place if Kasich didn’t ex­pand the pro­gram).

It could also be that Obama­care simply hasn’t caught up with Kasich yet be­cause he didn’t war­rant much at­ten­tion un­til re­cently. Oth­er cam­paigns cer­tainly haven’t for­got­ten about it, and they may turn to the is­sue as they aim to sty­mie Kasich’s rise and el­ev­ate their own can­did­ates.

“In a race where there are so many can­did­ates and there will be ef­forts by each cam­paign to dif­fer­en­ti­ate it­self from the oth­ers, the Medi­caid ex­pan­sion in Obama­care is sure to be an is­sue of dis­cus­sion,” one Re­pub­lic­an strategist ad­vising sev­er­al oth­er can­did­ates told Na­tion­al Journ­al re­cently. “I don’t think it’s ne­ces­sar­ily the first tool out of the bag, but it is a po­ten­tially power­ful one.”

But oth­ers with­in the Re­pub­lic­an Party think the con­ven­tion­al wis­dom over­rated how much Medi­caid ex­pan­sion would be a prob­lem for Kasich. In a bit of a twist, Trump could be help­ing Kasich out on that front, said John Fee­hery, a long­time GOP strategist who has spoken ap­prov­ingly of Kasich’s cam­paign.

Bur­ied be­neath the bil­lion­aire’s bom­bast­ic rhet­or­ic can be found, Fee­hery ar­gues, a pop­u­list mes­sage that seems to be res­on­at­ing with a lot of con­ser­vat­ive voters and aligns in many ways with how Kasich sells Medi­caid ex­pan­sion.

“People mis­un­der­stand where the Re­pub­lic­an Party is on a lot of is­sues. For ex­ample, on tax cuts for the rich, the Re­pub­lic­an Party for many years said that we can’t raise taxes on rich people. Trump is say­ing ‘F—- that.’ It’s a mes­sage much more geared to the lower-middle class. People are strug­gling,” Fee­hery said. “Medi­caid ex­pan­sion helps people who are strug­gling. It might be something that people don’t like when it’s at­tached to Obama, but they want health care.”

Kasich’s team seems to see the race the same way. Weaver por­trayed the gov­ernor’s mes­sage as “a pos­it­ive ver­sion of that pop­u­lism that Trump is es­pous­ing.”

“You have every reas­on and right to be angry, angry at your gov­ern­ment, angry at your banks, angry at all sorts of in­sti­tu­tions that we use to trust that we no longer can,” Weaver said. “But hav­ing said that, there are solu­tions to these is­sues and we can make things good again. It’s a more pos­it­ive ver­sion of that mes­sage.”